There was an abundance of gratitude and maybe even a hint of sadness as Lloyd Austin, United States defense secretary, paid what would probably be his last call on Philippine President Ferdinand Marcos Jr. at Malacañang Palace on Monday, November 18.
“I am very happy that despite the less-than-ideal weather, that you have managed to come and visit as there are many items that need to be discussed concerning the different — concerning the different issues that are facing both our countries, especially on the economic front, and certainly, of course, the military front,” said Marcos as cameras rolled to capture his opening remarks.
Off camera after their meeting, the Philippine president thanked Austin repeatedly for his role in bringing the treaty allies closer, especially when it came to defense and security.
It is with the ease of familiarity that Austin moves around the Philippines. He calls his Filipino counterpart Defense Secretary Gilberto Teodoro Jr., “Gibo” and calls Foreign Affairs Secretary Enrique Manalo, “Ricky.”
After all, it’s under Austin’s supervision as head of the United States’ largest government agency that:
- more sites were added under the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement (EDCA)
- the Philippines joined the multilateral defense meeting alongside Australia, Japan, and the United States
- the US promised $500 million in foreign military financing
- the two countries agreed on updated guidelines for the Mutual Defense Treaty (MDT)
- joint bilateral and multilateral sails in the West Philippine Sea were launched.
During Austin’s visit from November 18 to 19, the outgoing defense chief added two more milestones — the signing of the General Security of Military Information Agreement (GSOMIA) and groundbreaking of a Combined Coordination Center in Camp Aguinaldo.
‘Seal of good housekeeping’
The signing of the long-awaited GSOMIA is a fitting capstone to Austin’s work as US defense chief. The agreement sets the framework through which the Philippines and the US are to share intelligence and information of different kinds.
Teodoro, speaking alongside Austin at a press briefing in Palawan on November 19, said the agreement “is a seal of good housekeeping insofar as the Philippine Armed Forces is concerned, because it says, or it states as a premise, that we are operationally secure, our processes are safe and secure, and because of this, we will be able to cooperate with each other on a different level.”
It took at least two years to finalize the agreement — the bulk of which was devoted to the back-and-forth checks of both the Philippines and United States’ security infrastructure, protocols, compatibility, and adherence to these protocols.
Joshua Espeña, vice president at International Development and Security Cooperation, sees GSOMIA as sending “a more aligned strategic goal between the two.” He explained to Rappler, “You do not share intel with others if the intelligence cycle suggests that you do not have a shared objective.”
“It helps the Philippines move, shoot, and communicate with its American ally as both intend to fight together in a more high-tech conventional warfare. In that scenario, one needs to move fast but certain. GSOMIA accomplishes exactly that point: bridging speed, precision, and flexibility through seamless facilitation of intel-sharing,” he added.
Shortly after signing the GSOMIA inside Camp Aguinaldo, Teodoro conferred on Austin the Outstanding Achievement Medal for “substantial contributions to strengthening the Philippines-U.S. bilateral defense ties and promoting regional security in the Indo-Pacific since he assumed his post in 2021.”
After all, both the United States and the Philippines have been keen on developing not only its bilateral defense relationship, but also ties with other players in the region — particularly countries that already have good ties with Washington DC.
Beyond the treaty ally
The growth of its bilateral and multilateral relationships is especially crucial to the Philippines’ military and security sector for three reasons — its shift of focus to external security, the Marcos administration’s policy of asserting both its maritime rights and territorial claims in the West Philippine Sea, and China’s aggressive actions in the Philippines’ exclusive economic zone (EEZ).
“China, through its Coast Guard, Navy, maritime militia, and overseas United Front Works network have been responsible for the exacerbation of the West Philippine Sea security architecture. Given the advanced intelligence of the US, along with its anti-submarine warfare capabilities, Manila may be able to benefit from this agreement by detecting China’s provocative activities in Philippine waters swiftly and more efficiently,” said Don McLain Gill, a lecturer at the De La Salle University’s International Studies department.
A GSOMIA — while not immune from possible shifts in foreign policies of either the Philippines or the United States — “[ensures] stability and continuity in collaborative defense cooperation despite shifts in national political headwinds,” Gill pointed out.
“GSOMIA between Manila and Washington can significantly contribute to the strengthening of the hub-and-spokes alliance structure in the Western Pacific,” he added.
GSOMIA also opens up the Philippines to closer information sharing with other nations — so long as their intelligence and information security protocols, for instance, match those of Washington and Manila.
That point is crucial — because as consistent Austin and politicians from both sides of the aisle are in promising their “ironclad” commitment to the Mutual Defense Agreement and the Philippines, Manila has made it a point to expand its web of partners and friends, even as it improves its own defense and security capabilities.
It’s advantageous for the US too, Espeña pointed out. “In this great power competition of the US against China, Washington must make sure that its allies are covered by having them work together on all concerns on logistics, fires, communications, and force movement across domains of warfare,” he said.
“In this case, we will likely see the Philippine forces more joined with others than ever. At the strategic level, it translates to trust between like-minded states to uphold the rules-based order by defining it according to plural terms,” he added.
Marcos can be credited for restoring relationships strained during the term of his immediate predecessor — with the US, most notably, but also with countries under the European Union. Robust ties with Japan, exemplified by the recently-signed Reciprocal Access Agreement, made landmark strides under former presidents Rodrigo Duterte and the late Benigno Aquino III.
Countries like Canada, France, and New Zealand are in the process of negotiating military agreements with the Philippines.
“It is also a plus for the Philippines to do more for its defense by honestly identifying where it lacks and where others should come in and offshore them willingly,” said Espeña.
But a gap — in the Philippines’ network of countries that are simultaneously keen about upping defense ties, and vocal in condemning China’s harassment — exists right in its own backyard. Marcos’ latest attempt before the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) summit in Laos to rally together the bloc against China’s expansionist dreams was met with mere chatter and a lack of consensus.
ASEAN has been notable — or infamous — for the vast differences in how its members view China and its actions in the South China Sea.
Ricky Carandang, communications secretary under the late Aquino, said Donald Trump’s pending return to the White House — given all its potential and uncertainty — is a “good thing” for the Philippines, if only for it to “shake off” the “romanticized and idealized” view of the US as its treaty ally.
“We can view our relationship with America in a more clear-headed and more pragmatic manner instead of expecting them to save us from all of our ills,” he said in a panel discussion on Rappler.
Number 47
The backdrop of Austin’s visit to Manila and to other countries in the Indo-Pacific is, of course, the Biden administration’s exit by January 20.
Austin, former chief of the US Central Command, was careful when asked repeatedly about prospects of Philippine-US bilateral relations under Donald Trump.
“I won’t speculate on what policy the new administration may put into play. What I can tell you, though, is that I’m really proud of the work that we’ve done together with our counterparts, our allies, our friends, our family here in the Philippines,” he told journalists in Palawan.
“And as Gibo said a couple of minutes ago, I say often: We continue to be more than just allies. We’re family. I can’t imagine a day when the United States of America and the Philippines aren’t closely aligned,” he added.
His last line almost felt like a call back to Marcos’ own words from 2022 — among the first clear signals that the Philippines was returning to Washington’s arms.
“Just earlier today, we had a lunch that was hosted by the US-Philippines Society. And I spoke to them and we talked perhaps more on the subject of geopolitics and explained that it is very clear to me in my vision for the way that the country will move forward that I cannot see the Philippines in the future without having the United States as a partner,” said Marcos in New York, in his first visit as Philippine president.
The future of the United States and the Philippines are likely to be stable “as long as American bipartisan consensus on China goes too,” said Espeña. American officials — from their diplomats to their politicians — have repeatedly said that there’s bipartisan support for the Philippines, especially relative to China.
Trump’s nominees to key posts — for State Department and Defense, most notably — are considered China hawks. But that’s not necessarily an assurance that an America under Trump would interact with the Philippines in the same way as his predecessor.
As Austin made his final goodbyes in Palawan and casually revealed the existence of a US Task Force Ayungin in the Western Command, Marcos was in an important phone call: his first with Trump as the president-elect. The call opened with the incoming US president checking on former first lady Imelda Marcos, the President’s mother.
“Tapos ay patuloy naming pinag-usapan ang samahan (We continued to talk about the relationship) — the alliance between the United States and the Philippines. And I expressed to him our continuing desire to strengthen that relationship between our two countries, which is a relationship that is as deep as can possibly be because it has been for a very long time,” said Marcos in an interview with reporters on the phone call.
Will the ties proceed as Marcos, or as Austin imagine? – Rappler.com